AKA, Atlantic Life Insurance Company Building, Eskimo Building, Chamber of Commerce Building
530 East Main Street
Architects, Carneal & Johnson
This former headquarters building was not the only thing to get roughed up.
Well composed, the most notable feature is the colored terra cotta decoration used on the top two floors. The crowning cornice has been removed leaving a bad scar and destroying a major element of the original construction. [ADR]
The famous Eskimo Pie was created in Iowa by Christian K. Nelson, a high school Latin teacher who ran an ice cream parlor in summers.
Company legend has it that he launched the frozen novelty industry in 1921 in response to a young customer’s indecision. The oft-repeated story recounts that eight-year-old Douglas Ressenden only had enough money for one treat, but could not decide between an ice cream sandwich and a chocolate candy bar. Nelson, too, soon found himself confounded over the dilemma and started to wonder, “why not combine the two treats?” The teacher with the heart of an inventor spent the next few months formulating a mixture of cocoa butter and chocolate that would cling to a core of vanilla ice cream.
Nelson introduced his “I-Scream Bar” at the local Fireman’s Tournament that summer to accolades, but had trouble licensing the concept to the area’s ice cream manufacturers. Nelson presented his new product to seven regional dairies, but was rejected by every one. In July, the 25-year-old called on Russell Stover, then plant manager of the Graham Ice Cream Co. Infected with Nelson’s entrepreneurial aspirations, Stover agreed to pay half the fee to patent the confection in exchange for a half-interest in the new enterprise. They received their patent for “an ice cream confection containing normally liquid material frozen to a substantially hard state and encased in a chocolate covering to maintain its original form during handling” early in 1922. Stover has been credited with changing the name of the novelty to the now-famous Eskimo Pie.
It didn’t take long for the Eskimo Pie to become a national hit. Or to attract competitors.
Eskimo Pie’s resounding success soon drew unlicensed imitators, and the partners found themselves spending thousands every day to defend their patent in court. A devastating blow came in 1923, when rival producers convinced the courts to rescind Eskimo Pie’s patent. A disaffected Russell Stover sold his interest in the embattled business to attorney Clem T. Wade for $30,000. The Stovers moved to Denver and founded what would become one of America’s largest manufacturers of boxed confections, Russell Stover Candies, Inc. In 1924, Nelson also conceded a measure of defeat, selling his company to R.S. Reynolds’s U.S. Foil Co. that same year. Later renamed Reynolds Metals Co., the foil company would continue as Eskimo Pie’s parent until 1992.
The new parent moved its subsidiary’s headquarters to Kentucky in 1926. Christian Nelson continued to work at Eskimo Pie throughout much of its near 70-year interim under Reynolds Metals, concentrating primarily on research and development. Packaging for delivery was a concern throughout the 1920s. Late in the decade, Nelson designed shipping and display cases that incorporated dry ice to keep Eskimo Pies “hard as bricks.” After a seven-year “retirement,” the inventor returned to Eskimo Pie in 1935, this time acting as a traveling spokesman in charge of franchisee relations. Turning once again to research in the post-World War II era, Nelson assisted in the development of a proprietary ice cream extrusion process to automate the production of ice cream novelties.
So, this is not a story that ends well.
The company continued throughout this period to operate much as it had; one observer later quipped that it was “frozen in time.” It maintained consistent quality throughout the nation by selling ingredients (notably its special “Midnite Sun” chocolate coating), production equipment, and packaging to licensees and collecting royalties. Problems began to surface by the 1970s, however. Straying into manufacturing and distribution, the company soon found itself in an unhealthy competition with its own licensees. Consolidation in the formerly regionalized dairy industry also meant that Eskimo Pie increasingly dealt with margin-squeezing conglomerates like Borden and Safeway. Furthermore, mergers and acquisitions in the food industry in general gave competing novelties the backing of global food manufacturers like Nestlé S.A., Unilever N.V., and M&M Mars Co. (Funding Universe)
Nestle tried to buy Eskimo Pie, but Reynolds didn’t go for it. Instead, they took the company public, with an IPO in 1992. That didn’t do so well, and a 2 million dollar net loss in 1996 was the beginning of the end. The company was sold to CoolBrands International in 2000, who in turn sold it to Nestle in 2007.
Since its day as a confectionery headquarters, the Eskimo Pie Building has been renovated, and serves as an office building. Pity they didn’t fix the cornice scar.
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Library of Virginia bringing Dopesick author Beth Macy to Richmond for the Carole Weinstein Author Series
Beth Macy is a Virginia-based journalist, the author of Dopesick: Dealers, Doctors, and the Drug Company that Addicted America, and an executive producer and cowriter on Hulu’s Peabody Award–winning Dopesick series.
The Library of Virginia continues its 2022 Carole Weinstein Author Series talks with New York Times best-selling author Beth Macy. Macy will discuss Raising Lazarus: Hope, Justice, and the Future of America’s Overdose Crisis, the much anticipated follow-up to her internationally acclaimed book and Amazon series Dopesick. Carole Weinstein Author Series talks are free and open to the public. Registration is required for in-person attendance. To register, click here.
The event takes place Tuesday, August 23rd from 6:00–7:30 p.m.at the Library of Virginia Lecture Hall. It will also be livestreamed.
For more than 25 years, Macy has been reporting on stories from the Blue Ridge mountains of Virginia—previously for the Roanoke Times and, more recently, in occasional essays for the New York Times. She has also written for magazines, radio, and online journals from locations ranging from a mobile home in Bassett, Virginia, to a crowded cholera ward in Limbe, Haiti.
Like the treatment innovators she profiles, Beth Macy meets the opioid crisis where it is—not where we think it should be or wish it was. Bearing witness with clear eyes, intrepid curiosity, and unfailing empathy, she brings us the crucial next installment in the story of the defining disaster of our era, one that touches every single one of us, whether directly or indirectly. A complex story of public health, big pharma, dark money, politics, race, and class that is by turns harrowing and heartening, infuriating and inspiring, Raising Lazarus is a must-read for all Americans.
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Youngkin calls raid on Trump club a ‘stunning move’ by feds, raising speculation about presidential run
Youngkin’s statement didn’t reference Trump specifically, but it was an unusually direct show of support from a Republican figure who kept the ex-president at arm’s length en route to his close win last year in a purple state.
By Graham Moomaw
Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin called the federal raid on former President Donald Trump’s home at Mar-a-Lago a “stunning move by the DOJ and FBI” and implied it could be politically motivated.
In a tweet posted Tuesday morning, Youngkin drew a connection between the news of the search in Florida and prior events in Virginia.
“This same DOJ labeled parents in Loudoun County as terrorists and failed to enforce federal law to protect Justices in their homes,” read the post from the governor’s political account. “Selective, politically motivated actions have no place in our democracy.”
A stunning move by the DOJ and FBI.
This same DOJ labeled parents in Loudoun County as terrorists and failed to enforce federal law to protect Justices in their homes. Selective, politically motivated actions have no place in our democracy.
— Glenn Youngkin (@GlennYoungkin) August 9, 2022
The governor’s claim about the events in Loudoun has already been widely refuted by fact-checkers. A controversial letter from the National School Boards Association mentioned the arrest of a Loudoun father upset over his daughter’s sexual assault in a school as an example of aggressive behavior toward school boards that could be “the equivalent to a form of domestic terrorism.” When Attorney General Merrick Garland responded by saying he would investigate and prosecute threats against school boards, he didn’t mention terrorism or Loudoun.
In response to protests over the U.S. Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade, Youngkin, and Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan asked the Department of Justice to enforce a law that bars picketing outside justices’ houses in their states, but no federal prosecutions followed.
Youngkin’s statement didn’t reference Trump specifically, but it was an unusually direct show of support from a Republican figure who kept the ex-president at arm’s length en route to his close win last year in a purple state. Youngkin has been downplaying speculation about whether he might run for president in 2024, a move that could put him in competition with Trump for the GOP nomination.
Controversy over federal law enforcement agencies has particular resonance in Virginia due to the high numbers of federal employees who live in the state.
Facts have been scarce about why the FBI searched Mar-a-Lago, what agents were looking for and what federal authorities believe Trump may have done. But Virginia Republicans didn’t hold back expressions of outrage over the move.
“The dangerous precedent the Democrats set yesterday by weaponizing the FBI should anger and frighten every American,” state Sen. Jen Kiggans, the Republican nominee in a close congressional race in the Hampton Roads area, said on Twitter. “All to settle old political scores and silence their political opponents – it’s corrupt, and it’s flat out unacceptable.”
The dangerous precedent the Democrats set yesterday by weaponizing the FBI should anger and frighten every American. All to settle old political scores and silence their political opponents – it’s corrupt and it’s flat out unacceptable. https://t.co/V3A6WEJACE
— Jen Kiggans (@JenKiggans) August 9, 2022
Kiggans was responding to an earlier statement from her opponent, Democratic Rep. Elaine Luria, a member of the congressional Jan. 6 committee who was pointing to Republican threats to investigate the Department of Justice if the GOP wins back control of the U.S. House of Representatives.
“There is no way to defend Trump, only to deflect,” Luria said.
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Editorial: Dogwood Dell: a massacre foiled or a tale too good to be true?
“The story seemed almost too good to be true. Now, a month later, a city prosecutor has given us reason to believe it’s not true.”
By Bob Lewis
If you don’t live near Richmond and get your news from its regional media market, the last time you probably heard of a place called Dogwood Dell was a little over a month ago when Virginia’s capital city made national news for boldly claiming to have foiled a mass shooting.
The claim by Richmond’s police chief and mayor came on the heels of atrocities in Uvalde and Buffalo. Just two days earlier, a rooftop gunman indiscriminately mowed down spectators lining a Fourth of July parade route on the streets of Highland Park, Illinois.
As Chief Gerald Smith and Mayor Levar Stoney explained to a phalanx of television cameras on July 6, a tip from a “hero citizen” allowed police to apprehend two Guatemalan men illegally in the United States and foil their plot to take high-powered firearms to Dogwood Dell, a bandshell and amphitheater in a city park, and unleash hell on hundreds attending an evening Independence Day concert and fireworks display.
The story made network evening newscasts, an upbeat counterpoint to the fresh horror from suburban Chicago. Smith did cable news interviews with outlets like CNN, spreading the word. The publicity was a perfect balm for a police department whose community relations had been strained mightily by its heavy-handed response in the summer of 2020 to demonstrations along Richmond’s Monument Avenue triggered by the broad-daylight police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis.
Stoney was forced to fire the police chief at the time, William Smith (no relation to the current chief), after officers in riot gear teargassed, maced, cursed and kicked protesters gathered peacefully at the since-razed statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee. It took the city two years, prodded by the settlement of a citizens’ lawsuit, to formally apologize for those police actions.
But this summer, in the first week of July, buoyed by national headlines of a police triumph and lives spared, the city seemed to have made notable strides toward restoring faith in its leadership.
The story seemed almost too good to be true. Now, a month later, a city prosecutor has given us reason to believe it’s not true.
Asked directly in open court by Richmond General District Court Judge David Hicks last week if there was any evidence of plans to attack Dogwood Dell on July Fourth, Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney Clint Seal gave a clear, unequivocal and crushing response: “No.”
But that moment wasn’t the first time cracks in the city’s story had appeared. Troubling questions began surfacing as early as the upbeat July 6 press conference itself.
Why, if there was a known threat of a mass shooting, were the Dogwood Dell festivities allowed to proceed as scheduled, particularly with one of the two suspects not yet in custody?
Why was one of the suspects – at a minimum, a person illegally in the country – granted a low $15,000 bond on the same day Smith and Stoney announced his arrest? Five days later, another judge thought better of it and revoked the man’s bond, meaning both suspects are now being held without bail.
Why, if the alleged plot was so ignominious and worthy of the bold assertions unambiguously trumpeted by the city’s top officials, has neither man been charged in connection with it? Why is it not mentioned, even obliquely, in any of the charges currently pending against them? (Both are being held on federal immigration and firearms charges and facing deportation.)
And why have city government and police officials steadfastly stiff-armed persistent media requests to answer those questions and elaborate on the case?
The response from the police chief and the mayor? Double down on their claim and insist that it’s valid, the prosecutor’s contradictory statement in court under pain of perjury notwithstanding.
The basis for the chief’s belief that the two men planned specifically to shoot up Dogwood Dell? Essentially, his gut. And probability.
It came “from the experience and knowledge that your police department has and dealing with situations every day; of studying what happens in mass shootings, mass casualty incidents,” Smith said after the court proceeding in an on-camera interview with WTVR-TV in Richmond. “It comes from just your police department knowing what it’s doing.”
“It’s Richmond. Fourth of July celebration. It’s at the Dogwood Dell,” he said.
There’s no paucity of Independence Day observations in Richmond, a city with its own significant contributions to the nation’s struggle for independence. Arguably better known than Dogwood Dell is the annual fireworks display after the final out of the Richmond Flying Squirrels game at The Diamond, a minor league ballpark at the opposite terminus of Arthur Ashe Boulevard from Dogwood Dell. The city’s suburbs have their own numerous public celebrations and pyrotechnics extravaganzas.
As it turns out, we’ve been shown no more evidence for a plot targeting Dogwood Dell than we have for any other potential venue, though we’ve been implored to believe the claim absent any publicly shared substantiation beyond a conversation overheard by an earnest citizen tipster.
None of this is to suggest that these suspects don’t need to be sent away. They do.
Rolman Alberto Balcarcel had been deported twice from the United States and had returned a third time when he was arrested last month. His housemate, Julio Alvarado-Dubon, is charged with illegal possession of a firearm by a person illegally in the country. He had purchased two assault-style rifles, a handgun and multiple high-capacity ammunition magazines at a yard sale near Fredericksburg.
Richmond Commonwealth’s Attorney Colette McEachin last week asked the U.S. Department of Justice to take over prosecution of the men because they are “two illegal aliens with guns so we wanted them prosecuted at the highest level possible.” There was no reference to a mass shooting.
Did Balcarcel and Alvarado-Dubon plan to carry out a bloody assault on U.S. soil – perhaps Richmond soil? I don’t know. Clearly, they had an arsenal capable of it. The chief and the mayor say that was their intent, but nobody in authority has yet put one word of it in writing, made such a claim in a legal proceeding, or shared a shred of corroboration beyond because we say so!
We should not lose sight of the fact that law enforcement performed a great service by taking these two into custody based solely on the armaments seized and the wanton immigration violations alleged in court documents. They deserve our thanks.
The problems come not from the work officers did but from city leadership building so fantastical a narrative and announcing it so broadly yet sharing no proof to support it.
The press may not be the juggernaut it once was, but there are still a lot of journalists out there who are really good at skeptically listening to a claim, methodically vetting and finding holes in it, and asking those responsible to explain the discrepancies. When those officials can’t – or won’t – the whole thing unravels pretty fast, particularly after scenes like the one in Judge Hicks’s courtroom.
What, for a few weeks, seemed like a much-needed PR breakthrough for city leadership in general and the police in particular has instead put both on the defensive again as Smith’s and Stoney’s sensational account falters on the verge of collapse.
Chief Smith, Mayor Stoney – if you’ve got the goods that you say you do tying these two guys to a mass murder plot at Dogwood Dell (or any place else), it’s time to stop stonewalling legitimate inquiries and back your claim with some verifiable proof.
At stake is the public trust and confidence necessary to govern.